The Indian subcontinent has traditionally been home to a wide range of healing systems and therapies, some dating back hundreds of years. However, the “antiquity” of a healing modality does not mean “immutable”, even though it is claimed to be “timeless”. This study uncovers the changes in one such “timeless” healing system, Ayurveda, and its attendant manifestations and politics, especially during the colonial period. The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw the rise and growth of “medical nationalism” in India, which resulted in calls for “Indianization” of both medical professionals and choice of healing systems.
Along with the Indianization of the medical profession, there was also a simultaneous attempt to completely reject Western medicine and replace it with “indigenous” healing methods. In this context, Ayurveda was presented by its practitioners and spokespeople as the most worthy “indigenous” healing method and the “true” claimant of India’s “national healing”. This soon developed into an Ayurvedic revival movement, which radically transformed Ayurveda and shaped a “modern” form of a so-called “timeless” healing tradition. Incidentally, the socio-economic context in which this entire politics of Ayurvedic revival unfolded had a major impact on its final outcome. This study attempts to capture these overlapping and intersecting speculations of the modern transformation of Ayurveda, the politics of the state, and the overarching trends of the contemporary society and economy.
In other words, like Western medicine, Ayurveda and related health discourses in the late colonial period were not isolated discourses on “science” and medicine, but were simultaneously socio-political discourses. The tropes of medical revivalism, social issues, and political concerns easily became entangled within them, thereby transcending the boundaries of medicine as defined by them. Thus, the Ayurvedic discourses of the period under discussion are not just about plague, malaria, and other diseases, but rather about the Parda, Brahmacharyalanguage, caste, class, community, nation, colonialism etc. This work unravels these distinctive non- Ayurvedic engagements in Ayurvedic revivalist discourse.
Moreover, following nationalist and communalist discourses, Ayurvedic tracts also emphasized semen preservation for the wider good of the “nation” and the “community”. In fact, the basis of British supremacy was semen preservation by the British. According to Jagannath Sharma, it was only because of the courage associated with semen preservation that the British were able to rule India for over 100 years. Similarly, Suryabali Singh in his book argued that due to the loss of semen, “we lost our independence and suffered disgrace on all fronts”. It was argued that India could not regain its independence unless the youth of India realised the importance of brahmacharya and were inclined to preserve semen.
These texts praise the brahmacharya and associated valor of Hanuman and Bhishma Pitamah throughout their lives. Brahmacharya was considered the greatest asset of a young man and the loss of semen was considered synonymous with death.Viryalakshanopaya) was also one of the topics of study in the Ayurvedic curriculum of the Department of Ayurveda at Banaras Hindu University. Interestingly, an attempt was made to avoid the usual romantic characterization of Krishna and to recapture him as a chaste, celibate God. In this respect, the reinterpretation of Krishna Rasulira (sensual dance) was attempted. It was argued that since Krishna was an ideal brahmachari with firm control over the senses, people of respected families permitted their daughters and sisters to play with Krishna.
A very remarkable feature of the Ayurvedic theory of brahmacharya is that despite imposing strict restrictions on male sexual activity and relentlessly attacking so-called “wrong” sexual practices (masturbation, night crawling, anal sex, prostitution, etc.), “Hindu” men are rarely held accountable for indulging in these “wrong” sexual practices. In other words, “Hindu” men are often viewed as “innocent beings” tainted by some external agent. – “Islamic rule”, modern civilization and institutions, or “Nowch In these discourses, “Hindu” men are often portrayed as “poor,” “innocent,” and “vulnerable,” and who can easily be “misled.”
It is interesting to note that the “new” trends in India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries focused particularly on aspects of the medical market that Western physicians had avoided or overlooked, such as the production of tonics and stimulants, elixirs and cure-alls, aphrodisiacs, and so on. – This trend continues to this day. These “new” vaids understood very well that the Ayurvedic movement could not sustain itself unless it proved its marketability and usefulness to the masses. Therefore, they often resorted to techniques alien to the classical system of Ayurveda to satisfy the demands of the consumer market. After all, unlike nationalism, Ayurveda was not an abstract ideology but a healing system that produced consumer goods. Therefore, in addition to the ideological and emotional mobilization of the masses, it needed to create its own market and “consumers” out of the “users.”
Book marketing strategies are the least studied aspect of the early history of print culture in the Indian subcontinent. Yet an exploratory analysis of this aspect of print culture provides interesting insights into the Ayurvedic print market. The best way to promote Ayurvedic texts was through newspapers. Publishers like Naval Kishore regularly promoted their upcoming publications in highly regarded Urdu newspapers. Oud-AkbarOther publishers also resorted to advertising in newspapers and magazines, which were the most widely circulated forms of printed matter. However, considering the cost of advertising, a more convenient and cost-effective method of advertising existing and upcoming Ayurvedic texts was the books themselves. Ayurvedic texts often have book lists and announcements of upcoming books at the beginning or end. Some publishers even provide detailed catalogues (seeSuchipatra) contained the titles, prices, and basic descriptions of the books published by that publisher. These catalogs could also be ordered by mail.
Advertisements for Ayurvedic texts often featured eye-catching phrases written in bold to attract readers and generate interest in the text. Authors (who were also Ayurvedic practitioners) often touted their own achievements to convince readers of the efficacy of the treatments presented in the text. Some publishers even adopted the strategy of offering free advance orders for upcoming Ayurvedic texts.
In fact, āyurvedic texts in vernacular languages had great commercial potential because they targeted a very large market: the general non-specialist readership. These tracts were not just aimed at practising vaids but also at ordinary householders and laypeople, as they were often said to be. Grihastha. In fact, the prospect of “becoming your own doctor” that these texts offered was itself very attractive. Some of these texts claimed to be written in such “simple language” and “clear manner” that even a “fool” could understand and benefit from them. Moreover, there was also an economic incentive, as these texts mostly contained home remedies for common as well as complex ailments.
As this book shows, the discourse and movement of Ayurveda in the late colonial period was equally laden with social and political content and intent. Nationalism and anti-colonial independence movements were important factors that nurtured and shaped the discourse of Ayurveda during the period under discussion. This overall political context was important for the movement to revive Ayurveda, claiming the status of the “national healing system” of India and as a champion of “indigenous” medicine. However, as already noted, in its quest to create a distinct “indigenous” identity distinct from “colonial” Western medicine, Ayurveda actually absorbed many of the features of Western medicine itself, including institutionalization, pharmaceuticalization, standardization, and professionalization. Such ambiguity is perhaps a distinctive feature of any revival movement. However, what makes the Ayurveda revival movement even more interesting is that while Ayurvedic practitioners adopted many of the features of Western medicine, they were largely unable to teach its most important features. – A lack of inquisitiveness and experimentation has kept Ayurvedic practitioners focused on blindly adopting what today could be called “ancient wisdom”. It is this lack of inquisitiveness that made even Mahatma Gandhi hesitate to fully endorse this “Swadeshi” system of treatment (i.e. Ayurveda) in the medical field. In fact, in many ways, Ayurvedic practitioners were trying to dominate a field of medicine that was empty. They focused on discourse, organization, mobilization, etc. to revive Ayurveda as an “indigenous” medicine, but very few practitioners actually worked towards advancing new research in Ayurveda.
The book also highlights and depicts the social dimensions and content of Ayurvedic discourse during the late colonial period. At the same time, the economic context in which the Ayurvedic revival movement unfolded is also discussed with special emphasis on Ayurvedic print and drug markets. All this clearly establishes the link between the discourse on Ayurveda that emerged during the late colonial period, the “nation” and various aspects of society (i.e. caste, class, community and gender).
Excerpted with permission Ayurveda, State and Society: The United States, 1890-1950, Saurav Kumar Rai, “Orient Black Swan”.
